1803, “representing vocal sounds,” from Modern Latin phoneticus (Zoega, 1797), from Greek phōnētikos “vocal,” from phōnētos “to be spoken, utterable,” verbal adjective of phōnein “to speak clearly, utter,” from phōnē “sound, voice,” from PIE root *bha- (2) “to speak, tell, say” (see fame (n.)). Meaning “relating or pertaining to the human voice as used in speech” is by 1861. Related: Phonetical.
Month: July 2020
amicable (adj.)
early 15c., “pleasant,” from Late Latin amicabilis “friendly,” a word in Roman law, from Latin amicus “friend,” ultimately from amare “to love” (see Amy). In modern use “characterized by friendliness, free from hard feelings, peaceable, socially harmonious.” Compare amiable, which is the same word through French. Related: Amicableness.
colorable = phony
Paul Craig Roberts
Hegemony
Hegemony (UK: /hɪˈɡɛməni, hɪˈdʒɛməni/, US: /hɪˈdʒɛməni/ (pronunciation (help·info)) or /ˈhɛdʒəˌmoʊni/) is the political, economic, or military predominance or control of one state over others.[1][2][3][4][5] In ancient Greece (8th century BC – 6th century AD), hegemony denoted the politico-military dominance of a city-state over other city-states.[6] The dominant state is known as the hegemon.[7] In the 19th century, hegemony came to denote the “Social or cultural predominance or ascendancy; predominance by one group within a society or milieu”. Later, it could be used to mean “a group or regime which exerts undue influence within a society”.[8] Also, it could be used for the geopolitical and the cultural predominance of one country over others, from which was derived hegemonism, as in the idea that the Great Powers meant to establish European hegemony over Africa, Asia and Latin America.[9]
In cultural imperialism, the leader state dictates the internal politics and the societal character of the subordinate states that constitute the hegemonic sphere of influence, either by an internal, sponsored government or by an external, installed government.
In international relations theory, hegemony denotes a situation of (i) great material asymmetry in favour of one state, that has (ii) enough military power to systematically defeat any potential contester in the system, (iii) controls the access to raw materials, natural resources, capital and markets, (iv) has competitive advantages in the production of value added goods, (v) generates an accepted ideology reflecting this status quo; and (vi) is functionally differentiated from other states in the system, being expected to provide certain public goods such as security, or commercial and financial stability.[10]
The Marxist theory of cultural hegemony, associated particularly with Antonio Gramsci, is the idea that the ruling class can manipulate the value system and mores of a society, so that their view becomes the world view (Weltanschauung): in Terry Eagleton‘s words, “Gramsci normally uses the word hegemony to mean the ways in which a governing power wins consent to its rule from those it subjugates”.[11] In contrast to authoritarian rule, cultural hegemony “is hegemonic only if those affected by it also consent to and struggle over its common sense”.[12]
Neoconservatism
“Neocon” redirects here. It is not to be confused with Necon or Paleocon.This article is about the political movement in the United States. For other regions, see Modern conservatism in different countries and Neoconservatism (disambiguation). For the furnishing trade fair, see Merchandise Mart § Trade fairs.
Neoconservatism is a political movement born in the United States during the 1960s among liberal hawks who became disenchanted with the increasingly pacifist foreign policy of the Democratic Party, and the growing New Left and counterculture, in particular the Vietnam protests. Some also began to question their liberal beliefs regarding domestic policies such as the Great Society.
Neoconservatives typically advocate the promotion of democracy and interventionism in international affairs, including peace through strength (by means of military force) and are known for espousing disdain for communism and political radicalism.[1][2] Critics of neoconservatism have used the term to describe foreign policy and war hawks who support aggressive militarism or neo-imperialism.
Many of its adherents became politically famous during the Republican presidential administrations of the 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s as neoconservatives peaked in influence during the administration of George W. Bush, when they played a major role in promoting and planning the 2003 invasion of Iraq.[3] Prominent neoconservatives in the George W. Bush administration included Paul Wolfowitz, Elliott Abrams, Richard Perle, and Paul Bremer. While not identifying as neoconservatives, senior officials Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld listened closely to neoconservative advisers regarding foreign policy, especially the defense of Israel and the promotion of American influence in the Middle East.
Historically speaking, the term neoconservative refers to those who made the ideological journey from the anti-Stalinist left to the camp of American conservatism during the 1960s and 1970s.[4] The movement had its intellectual roots in the magazine Commentary, edited by Norman Podhoretz.[5] They spoke out against the New Left and in that way helped define the movement.[6][7]
Dr. Mostafa Hefney
benevolent (adj.)
mid-15c., “wishing to do good, well-disposed, kindly,” from Old French benivolent and directly from Latin benevolentem (nominative benevolens) “wishing (someone) well, benevolent,” related to benevolentia “good feeling,” from bene “well” (see bene-) + volentem (nominative volens) present participle of velle “to wish” (see will (v.)). Related: Benevolently.